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为真相而斗争：揭露诋毁科索沃历史和稳定的努力

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Gurakuç Kuçi - 研究员

摘要

This paper examines three cases of espionage arrests in Kosovo, involving two Serbian individuals and two Albanians linked to the Serbian Information and Security Agency (BIA). The aim of these spies was to discredit the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), alter the narrative of the Reçak massacre, create a “yellow house” similar to the one in northern Albania, and destabilize the state of Kosovo by inciting interethnic conflicts. Through the analysis of specific cases and motivation theories, this paper sheds light on the reasons why individuals engage in espionage against their own country, Serbia’s efforts to manipulate the history and stability of the region and the tendencies to invade Kosovo.

關鍵字： 间谍活动、BIA、AKI、科军、黄房子、塞尔维亚、种族间冲突、北约。

1. 导言

The Kosovo Intelligence Agency (KIA), in cooperation with other security entities, has successfully uncovered and apprehended four spies connected to the Serbian Security Intelligence Agency (BIA). The arrests included two Serbian national and two ethnic Albanians, who were detained in two separate cases.

The primary objectives of the two ethnic Albanian individuals linked to BIA were to damage the reputation of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), discredit the Reçak massacre, provoke interethnic conflicts, and sully NATO’s intervention in Kosovo. In 2009, three individuals connected to BIA were captured in Kosovo. Later, another individual was identified as a member of a group aiming to fabricate and compensate false witnesses concerning the alleged case of organ trafficking by the KLA. Surprisingly, this individual held official positions within the state apparatus of Kosovo.

Serbia has consistently engaged in espionage activities against Kosovo, and the recent revelations are just a small part of its operations. It has recently been uncovered that Russia, through Serbian agents, has also influenced politicians and institutions of the European Union. Therefore, these actions are well-planned and strategically targeted. To uncover the objectives of this country, we have engaged in studying recent cases and a 2009 espionage case, including the theoretical framework.

This study employs a qualitative research approach, analyzing specific cases of espionage arrests and investigative materials obtained from open sources. By combining the analysis of open sources, regional circumstances, and Serbia’s approach against Kosovo, the study aims to understand the motives and strategic goals of individuals involved in espionage. Theories of motivation, psychological and social factors are used to interpret the behaviors and decisions of the spies.

The research question of the paper is: “What are the main reasons and motivations that lead individuals to engage in espionage against their country, and how does this affect Serbia’s efforts to manipulate the history and stability of Kosovo?”

本文的因变量是："塞尔维亚通过间谍活动打击科索沃的战略目标"。

2.   Reasons Why People Engage in Espionage against Their Country

2.1. 动机理论

  • 理性选择理论 这一理论认为，个人根据个人利益做出决定（斯科特，2000 年）。在间谍活动中，如果个人认为经济收益或个人晋升等利益大于风险和潜在后果，他们可能会选择为另一个国家工作。
  • 社会交换理论 该理论认为，个人从事行为是基于与这些行为相关的回报和成本（Cropanzano & Mitchell, 2005）。在间谍活动中，个人可能会权衡潜在利益（如经济收益、个人满足感）与成本（如法律后果、社会排斥），并决定利益大于成本。
  • 心理因素： 对权力的渴望、对另一个国家的忠诚感或对刺激和冒险的需求等心理因素也会促使个人从事间谍活动（怀尔德，2017 年）。

2.2. 附加因素

  • 个人情况： 面临经济困难、个人危机或其他挑战的个人可能更容易接受外国政府提供的经济收益或其他好处的承诺。
  • 忠诚与身份： 对自己的国家有疏离感或对另一个国家有强烈忠诚感的人可能更倾向于从事间谍活动。
  • 机遇与安逸： 是否有机会和是否容易获得敏感信息也会影响个人从事间谍活动的决定。
  • 文化和社会因素： 文化和社会因素，如缺乏民族自豪感、后殖民地形象概念或希望成为更大社区的一部分，也可能促使个人做出从事间谍活动的决定。
  • 洗脑与操纵 在某些情况下，个人可能会受到胁迫或操纵，通过心理操纵、勒索或其他形式的胁迫参与间谍活动。

3. 两个身份，一个间谍

Since 2002, a Serbian spy, Marko Knezhevic, is suspected to have operated in Kosovo under the pseudonym “Drugi Crni”, posing as a journalist for “TV Most” based in Zvecan. On May 30, 2024, the Kosovo Police arrested Knezhevic following an investigation and discovery by the Kosovo Intelligence Agency. The arrest occurred due to Knezhevic’s use of dual identities, as his Serbian and Kosovar passports did not match (Teve, 2024).

照片 1：Marko Knezhević 作为 BIA 间谍被捕，他在科索沃以 MOST 电视台记者的伪装开展活动

This arrest sheds light on Serbia’s clandestine operations in Kosovo, highlighting the ongoing efforts of the Serbian country to undermine regional stability. Knezhevic’s involvement with “TV Most” highlights the strategic use of media to disseminate propaganda and manipulate public opinion. Posing as a journalist, he was able to gather intelligence and spread disinformation, serving Serbia’s interests and likely organizing and aiding terrorist groups such as the “Northern Brigades” and “Bridge Guards”. Knezhevic was a close associate who reported to Aleksandar Vulin, current Deputy Prime Minister in the Serbian government, former Minister of Internal Affairs, and former director of BIA.

The presence of advanced technological devices in Knezhevic’s possession suggests that Serbia has heavily invested in sophisticated surveillance and espionage tools. This underscores the country’s commitment to covert operations designed to compromise Kosovo’s security and sovereignty. Furthermore, Knezhevic’s dual identities in Kosovo and Serbian passports raise questions about the extent of Serbia’s infiltration into Kosovo’s social and institutional life.

This discovery has significant implications for regional security, suggesting that Serbia has been able to penetrate Kosovo’s structures and gather sensitive information.

4.   KIA uncovers two “Good Albanians” serving Serbia to distort the history of war

科索沃情报局（AKI）在调查和收集犯罪数据后、

照片 2：贝德里-沙巴尼，作为中央情报局间谍被捕

has testified before the Supreme Court of Kosovo, engaging in legal actions leading to the arrest of two individuals, Bedri Shabani and Muharrem Qerimi, on charges of collaboration with the Serbian Information and Security Agency (BIA). Evidence gathered by KIA indicates that these individuals were actively undermining Kosovo, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), and the historical narrative of Kosovo’s war.

贝德里-沙巴尼是 1990 年代斯洛博丹-米洛舍维奇当政期间的前海关官员，穆哈雷姆-凯里米是科索沃宣布独立后的前科 索沃警察官员，因滥用没收的车辆而被该机构开除，他们被发现在内务部有相互 联系，特别是与费里扎伊的塞尔维亚人塞尔扬-罗西奇有联系。后者是博戈卢布-贾尼切维奇（Bogolub Janicevic）在海牙的证词中提到的一个熟悉的名字。这些被拘留者的主要目的是操纵证据和安排不利于科军的证人。

照片 3：提到 Serdjan Rosic 的证据

Bedri Shabani, a former customs officer during Slobodan Milosevic’s regime in the 1990s, and Muharrem Qerimi, a former official of the Kosovo Police until after Kosovo’s independence declaration, who was dismissed from this institution due to misuse of a confiscated vehicle, were found to have mutual contacts within BIA, specifically with Serdjan Rosic, a Serbian from Ferizaj. The latter is a familiar name from Bogolub Janicevic’s testimony in The Hague. The primary goal of these detainees was to manipulate evidence and orchestrate witnesses against the KLA.

Bedri Shabani, in particular, has been actively involved in Serbia’s efforts to distort the history of the Reçak massacre. Serbia has continuously promoted its narrative that the Reçak massacre was staged by the KLA and the international community. The main objective of this historical revisionism is to undermine NATO’s intervention in Kosovo, prompted by the Reçak massacre and William Walker’s response. NATO’s intervention in Kosovo was a response to the genocide perpetrated by the Serbian state against Albanians in Kosovo under Slobodan Milosevic’s leadership.

According to current information, Bedri Shabani played a significant role in this disinformation campaign. He attempted to create a replica of the “yellow house” similar to the one in northern Albania, fabricating a narrative that the KLA engaged in human organ trafficking. Shabani’s strategic aim was to link the former KLA military hospital in the village of Mollopolc, Shtime, with the Reçak massacre, as these two villages are geographically close.

Muharrem Qerimi 一直将自己描绘成英国情报部门的特工。(T7, 2024)

4.1.         Discovery of Serbia’s Efforts to Distort Kosovo’s History

The recent arrest of Bedri Shabani and Muharrem Qerimi by the Kosovo Intelligence Agency (KIA) has shed light on Serbia’s ongoing efforts to distort Kosovo’s history and undermine its stability. These two individuals, suspected of working for the Serbian Information and Security Agency (BIA), were found to be actively involved in spreading disinformation and manipulating public opinion against Kosovo.

4.2. Background and Motivations

Shabani and Qerimi’s activities date back to the 1990s when they were employed in Serbian institutions, a time when Albanians were excluded from institutions and public life in former Yugoslavia. Shabani worked in Serbia’s regime as a customs officer and after the war primarily lived outside Kosovo, while Qerimi was dismissed from the Kosovo Police for misuse of a seized vehicle and later engaged in the real estate sector, presenting himself as someone powerful working for KIA or another intelligence service.

4.3. 目标和方法

The primary goal of Shabani and Qerimi was to distort the history of the Reçak massacre, a key event in the Kosovo War. Serbia has continuously sought to impose its narrative that the massacre was staged by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the international community. Particularly, Shabani has been involved in this campaign, attempting to fabricate a “yellow house” similar to where the KLA is accused of trafficking human organs. His aim was the strategic alignment of the location and connection between the facility and the massacre with the former KLA military hospital in the village of Mollopolc, near Reçak.

4.4. 联系人和业务

Shabani 和 Qerimi 与内务部情报局有实际接触，也通过 Serdjan Rosic 等其他渠 道进行接触。最近，他们试图在科索沃组织类似于 1980 年代、1990 年代或战后时期的种族事件。这表明他们是旨在破坏该地区稳定的更大网络的一部分。

照片 4：塞尔维亚 BIA 探员 Srdjan Rosic

影响和后果

逮捕沙巴尼和 Qerimi 对科索沃的安全与稳定具有重大影响。他们的活动旨在损害科索沃国家，破坏其国际声誉。此外，他们针对国际社会关键人物威廉-沃克的恶意计划，凸显了塞尔维亚操纵和恐吓的程度。

4.5. 内务部的拒绝

贝德里-沙巴尼和穆哈雷姆-凯里米的被捕严酷地提醒人们，塞尔维亚正在努力歪曲科索沃的历史，破坏其稳定。AKI 的调查发现了一个复杂的造谣和操纵网络，其目的是损害科索沃及其国际声誉。塞尔维亚内务部否认与这两名被捕者有任何联系或合作 (САОПШТЕЊЕ 05.06.2024. Безбедно-информативна Агенција, n. d.) ，这清楚地表明，塞尔维亚内务部与这两名被捕者有任何联系或合作。d.）清楚地表明，他们参与了这些活动，并对暴露和反暴露塞尔维亚的意图感到恐慌。国际社会必须保持警惕，继续支持科索沃打击塞尔维亚破坏稳定活动的努力。

5.   Discovery of interceptions: Conspiracy for ethnical destabilization in Kosovo

In a published telephone interception by GeoPost, a conversation between Bedri Shabani and Serdjan Rosic reveals several key details, despite certain parts being censored. The conversation, though brief in its public release, provides us with significant insights:

  • 谈话发生在 Banjska 事件一天之后，前一天发生的事件也证实了这一点。
  • 关于煽动种族事件的讨论十分明确，他们提到其他人煽动局势，而其他人则火上浇油，加剧局势。
  • 沙巴尼向罗西奇询问 "电影 "的进展情况，这意味着为针对科索沃的各种问题做准备。
  • Shabani expresses concerns among his friends, suggesting there is a supportive group around him.
  • 他要征得罗西尼的同意，才能煽动或让它 "沉睡"。
  • 罗西克向他保证，他会转达他的所有要求和话语。
  • 谈话是从格拉查尼察开始的，因为沙巴尼提到在继续前往普里什蒂纳之前曾在那里停留讨论。
  • 沙巴尼与许多人都有可疑的联系，他提到自己不会登记电话号码，但会记住他们（《地理邮报》，2024 年）。

GeoPost has also published a second interception of Bedri Shabani with Sedjan Rosic, where we obtain further new information:

  • It is confirmed from the conversation that they physically met a few days before the interception in the city of Nis, Serbia on 17.05.2023.
  • The phone call has happened on 23.05.2023, where it is learned that Rosic has professional connections with “another colleague”, Bogoljub Janicijevic, who in 1999 was the head of the so-called “Secretariat of Internal Affairs” for Ferizaj.
  • 谈话中透露，在尼斯与中央情报局会面的当天，沙巴尼递交了三份文本。音频经过删减，目前尚不清楚这些文本是什么！
  • 对此，沙巴尼问道："你以前有机会见过他们吗？"罗西奇回答说："没有"（《地理邮报》，2024 年）。

5.1. 对话分析

This telephone interception presents a clear and present danger to the internal stability of Kosovo. The discussion on ethnical incidents and preparations against Kosovo suggests a coordinated strategy for destabilization. The involvement of a supportive group around Shabani, who are concerned, indicates he has a wide network of collaborators who may be engaged in subversive activities.

罗西奇保证转达沙巴尼的要求，这表明他们之间有着密切和有效的合作，说明这些活动组织有序、计划周密。谈话是在格拉查尼察这个民族敏感地区进行的，而且提到了前往普里什蒂纳的行程，这让人担心他们的影响力会在整个地区扩散。

The second interception reveals well-coordinated coordination and a detailed plan for destabilizing Kosovo. Physical meetings, professional connections with important Serbian security figures, and involvement of intelligence services suggest a significant risk to regional stability. These activities are meticulously planned and organized, demanding special attention from Kosovar and international authorities to prevent any further escalation of the situation.

5.2. 塞尔维亚的报复

In response to the arrest of BIA spies in Kosovo, Serbia appears to be employing a strategy of equivalence by arresting an individual from Leposavic, alleging that he betrayed his own people for 500 euros (Alo, 2024). Additionally, Serbia is fabricating other false information and disseminating it through pro-Vucic media outlets (Novosti, 2024).

6. Shpend 和 Muharrem Qerimi：两兄弟的黑暗过去

Muharrem Qerimi 在 AKI 揭露他是内务部特工后，根据检察官的命令被科索沃警察逮捕，他透露，他和他的一个兄弟的过去曾触犯法律。Muharrem Qerimi 曾在科索沃警察部队担任重罪调查员，直到科索沃宣布独立之后，但由于滥用职权，他被警察部队开除。

Muharrem Qerimi’s brother, Shpend Qerimi, is in prison for an explosion at the Sekiraca nightclub many years ago and has been sentenced by the court to 25 years of imprisonment (IndeksOnline, 2024).

本报告仅依据经证实的消息来源，而非所谓的消息来源。

7. 前塞尔维亚警察，BIA 间谍

照片 5：间谍活动中的合作结构
照片 5：间谍活动中的合作结构

根据科索沃特别检察官的命令，科索沃警方最近逮捕了一名来自塞族社区 的前科索沃警察。经过科索沃情报局几个月的调查，发现 Aleksandar Vlajic 为塞尔维亚情报局服务（Dukagjini，2024 年）。根据检察官的公告，逮捕发生在 2024 年 6 月 26 日晚（Dukagjini，2024 年）。根据 OCTOPUS 研究所提供的信息，弗拉伊奇除了与塞尔维亚情报局共享情报外，还拥有一个庞大的情报来源网络（Musliu，2024 年）。弗拉伊奇的间谍网延伸到了以下方面

  • 科索沃海关、
  • 塞尔维亚非政府组织、
  • 欧安组织和科索沃特派团在科索沃北部、
  • 普里什蒂纳的某些国际组织，以及
  • Th e media in Gracanica (Musliu, 2024b).

8. 三名中央情报局间谍：被 PK 逮捕、被欧盟驻科法治团释放的布拉尼斯拉夫-尼科利奇和其他人

2009 年，科索沃警方打击有组织犯罪局在普里什蒂纳卡格拉维察开展的一次 行动中逮捕了三名塞族人，其中两名是塞尔维亚国民，一名来自科索沃。Igor Jucinac、Milutin Radanovic 和 Predrag Zheljkovic 在阿尔巴尼亚北部的 "黄房子 "被抓获，他们在那里收买了愿意指证科军涉嫌贩卖人体器官案的证人。

According to interceptions and testimonies, they paid up to 100,000 euros to buy a witness who would falsely testify against the KLA. RTK had brought exclusive footage showing how these individuals were attempting to buy witnesses (RTK, 2020).

At that time, EULEX, utilizing its guaranteed competencies, took over the case from Kosovo Police and Courts, then released them to defend themselves in freedom, but the individuals had fled Kosovo and never returned.

他们是如何被释放的仍然是一个真正的谜，为什么检察官会在他们被指控犯有严重罪行的情况下释放他们。

Igor Jocinac later apparently tried to return to Kosovo, but now as a healthcare worker, as he was found in the payroll list of the hospital in Sterpce, which was not functional but where 21 people were paid (Insider, 2019).

Branislav Nikolic’s involvement in this campaign against the KLA was also revealed. The latter is the brother of Bratislav Nikolic, who was mayor of Sterpce.

Bratislav Nikolic became mayor of Sterpce in 2009 with the Independent Liberal Party led by Slobodan Petrovic. In 2010, there was an attack on Nikolic’s house in Sterpce (B92, 2010). After the creation of the Serbian List with the Brussels Agreement, Nikolic moved to this political entity and in September 2015, Nikolic announced that about 3,000 citizens of Sterpce joined the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) of Aleksandar Vucic and the Serbian List, saying that the then Prime Minister of Serbia and SNS President, Aleksandar Vucic, “deals with specific problems of citizens, had difficult Brussels negotiations and secured the formation of the Serbian Community of Municipalities” (Spalovic, 2015).

显然，受布拉迪斯拉夫的影响，他的兄弟布拉尼斯拉夫将在科索沃担任各种职务。2012 年，布拉尼斯拉夫被决定任命为科索沃邮政局董事会成员（Insider，2019）。之后，他于 2016 年被任命为科索沃前总统哈希姆-萨奇的顾问，但在工作不到四年后，他于 2019 年 6 月被解职，因为他被揭露是 BIA 的一员（Voa，2019 年）。

布拉尼斯拉夫-尼科利奇（Branislav Nikolic）作为科索沃议会塞族名单的议员候选人，在法院未对其有罪或无罪做出裁决的情况下，于 2019 年合法地成为了一名议员（Koha，2019 年）。

9. 结论

2023 年 9 月 24 日，塞尔维亚在科索沃北部发动恐怖袭击，目的是将该地区交还给拉多伊奇奇领导的恐怖组织控制，然后宣布该地区为自治区。

With the revelation of interceptions involving Bedri Shabani and Srdjan Rosic, we discover that Serbia’s ambitions extend beyond just taking northern Kosovo; they aim to encompass the entire northeastern part of Kosovo. Therefore, it is no coincidence that they have established 48 military bases along the entire border with Kosovo.

照片 6：与科索沃交界处的塞尔维亚军事基地

Serbia has not relinquished its claim over all of Kosovo’s territory, and in its ambitions, the ideal achievement would be the reconquest of Kosovo as a whole. However, realistically, they aim at least for northeastern Kosovo and possibly to annex the rest to Albania as a diminished territory. Hence, we can expect escalations of conflicts like those of Banjska or ethnic conflicts in other parts of Kosovo, as evidenced by Serbia’s goals heard in interceptions involving Shabani and Rosic.

因此，塞尔维亚总统亚历山大-武契奇也表示，他们将在科索沃问题上等待地缘政治局势的变化，这绝非巧合。因此，他们在等待全球冲突升级，等待力量平衡和全球利益发生变化。

然而，实现这些战略计划需要通过混合战争采取战略行动，而塞尔维亚正在多个层面采用这些手段。

The case of Dick Marty, the drafter of the document alleging crimes by the KLA involving human organ trafficking in the “yellow house” in northern Albania, adds a new dimension to this complex situation. In 2020, Marty faced serious death threats from Serbian BIA, according to Swiss security authorities (SwissInfo, 2024). Although the BIA denied the assassination attempt on Marty (Vasques, 2022), as it denied its connections to the spies arrested in Kosovo, Marty continued to be protected by Swiss security forces, and his exits were under strict security, ultimately leading to his death in December 2023. Serbia’s aim in this assassination was to blame Albanians for Marty’s murder and thus further falsify facts about staged crimes for organ trafficking. Marty himself acknowledged the existence of this plan (SwissInfo, 2024).

This case illustrates that Serbia is willing to sacrifice anyone to achieve its objectives against Kosovo. In addition to Dick Marty’s case, we have their malign intentions towards William Walker, their readiness to sacrifice Serbs to stir up ethnic conflict in Kosovo, and the embezzlement of Serbian people’s money to create false propaganda through hybrid warfare.

在回顾了本文件所介绍的事件之后，塞尔维亚显然在其战略议程中有几个重要目标：

  1. Reformulating the narrative of the Reçak Massacre: Serbia seeks to rewrite the historical cause of the Reçak Massacre, presenting it as an act committed by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), thereby absolving itself of responsibility.
    1. Discrediting NATO’s humanitarian intervention: Serbia aims to undermine NATO’s intervention legitimacy after the Reçak Massacre and other massacres, presenting it as a conspiracy against Serbia and questioning its justification.
    1. Delegitimizing Kosovo’s independence: By leaving aside the ICJ decision, Serbia seeks to undermine Kosovo’s legitimacy, arguing that international law has been violated.
    1. 受害与历史修正主义： 塞尔维亚的目的是将其人民描绘成过去种族灭绝的受害者，特别是纳粹种族灭绝和克罗地亚乌斯塔塞对塞族人的行动的受害者。通过强调这些历史事件，塞尔维亚寻求获得国际社会对其在该地区行动的同情和支持。

Thus, Serbia’s short-term and medium-term goals are designed to discredit and weaken the actions of Western powers, including NATO’s 1999 humanitarian intervention against Serbian military actions aimed at stopping genocide in Kosovo. This manipulation of the narrative aims to construct an alternative international history that aligns with Serbia’s interests, with encouragement from Russia and China to sully the actions of the USA, NATO, and Western countries worldwide and to strengthen the BRICS group.

While we have mentioned the long-term goals at the beginning of the conclusions. Serbia with the discovery of spies appears to be severely shaken due to the fact that it is revealed about their terrorist goals like in the Banjska case last year

10. 参考资料

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