Why is Serbia attempting to maintain control through fear?
Asoc. Prof. Dr. Arben Fetoshi
A manipulative campaign using the “cherry-picking” technique, debunked by its own reference as a source. Analyses and articles published in recent days on the Kosovo Online portal falsely referred to a conference in Prishtina that addressed trends, challenges, and countermeasures against extremism, alleging an increase in anti-Serbian narratives in Kosovo.
Following the international denunciation of Serbia’s interference in the February 9 elections through money, threats, and blackmail (as reported by the EU Observation Mission and the German Ambassador to Kosovo), and the possibility that a rival party to Srpska Lista might win at least one seat in the Kosovo Assembly, Vučić’s regime propagandists have revived the victimhood narrative. They selectively “picked” an event in Prishtina to make their claims appear more credible.
Alarmed by the beginning of the decline of their full control over Serbian citizens in Kosovo, media linked to Vučić have reverted to the old DARVO scheme, attempting to reinforce their dominance through fear-mongering.
The Fabricated Narrative
The analysis titled “Kosovo in the Clutches of Transitional Justice: Why is the Anti-Serbian Narrative Growing?” begins with a false phrase that does not appear in Sbunker’s Report on the conference “The Fight Against Extremism in Kosovo: Trends, Challenges, and Countermeasures.”
By highlighting contradictory narratives, the study underscores that ethno-nationalism stems from parallel historical accounts between Albanians and Serbs, particularly regarding the 1990s war. The report notes:
“Albanians view it as a war of liberation from Serbian oppression, emphasizing sacrifice, whereas Serbs consider it a defensive ‘conflict’ against an Albanian uprising, portraying themselves as victims.”
Nowhere does the report mention a “growing anti-Serbian narrative.” Therefore, this analysis, along with other subsequent articles that echo the same claims, is nothing more than a strategic amplification of this fabricated narrative to assign blame.
Other reports, such as “The Anti-Serbian Narrative in Kosovo is Constant” or “Mijacic: If Kurti Forms a New Government, He Will Continue to Harm Interethnic Relations,” aim to obstruct the integration of Serbs in Kosovo—a long-standing strategy by Vučić to control and instrumentalize them.
By continuously exposing the audience to such content and negatively portraying Kosovo’s leaders or the Albanian majority, Serbian propaganda reinforces anti-Albanian sentiments, a necessary precondition for its international sabotage campaign against Kosovo.
Citing minor incidents while prejudging authorship makes these claims not only biased but also trivial, especially when compared to racist and inciting manifestations against Albanians. Kosovo Online and other Vučić-aligned media deliberately ignore the chauvinistic calls from Serbian groups, institutions, and the Serbian Orthodox Church against Albanians, while intentionally concealing facts about the privileged rights of the Serbian minority in Kosovo.
By applying such a comprehensive strategy, Serbia continues to mobilize public opinion through nationalist rhetoric against Kosovo. Through the misuse of media, the instrumentalization of religion, false historical narratives, and the victimhood role, Serbia actively blocks liberal perspectives that could enable a new chapter of integration and interethnic coexistence in Kosovo.
Albanians, however, have never exhibited racism like Serbian hooligans in football stadiums, Serbian extremists during religious celebrations, or Serbian terrorists inarmed attacks against Kosovo.
When media abandon their duty to the truth, they become a danger to society. Despite the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo by Milošević, as documented in the 1999 U.S. State Department Report, Albanians have demonstrated—through the Vienna Compromises and later in the Brussels Dialogue—that they are not against the Serbian people or peaceful coexistence in the Republic of Kosovo.
Vučić’s media know this, the Serbian Orthodox Church knows this, and it is confirmed by the constructive engagement of Serbian politicians like Nenad Rašić, whose support seems to have shaken official Belgrade.
The DARVO Instrument
Serbia continues to refuse to recognize Kosovo’s independence, which is why it is waging an intense hybrid war against it. Due to international support and presence through KFOR and EULEX, Serbia has adopted a sophisticated ‘victimization’ scheme aimed at undermining Kosovo’s international legitimacy by influencing international organizations, foreign governments, and global public opinion.
To achieve this, it is essential to obstruct the integration of the Serbian community, fueling interethnic tensions as a tool to keep the situation unstable. In this strategy, media play an irreplaceable role, especially in today’s digital era, where their omnipresence amplifies their impact.
By bombarding the audience with fake news, propaganda, and deceptive narratives, Serbian media impose a constructed ‘reality’ and reinforce reversed roles of victim and aggressor.
To understand this manipulation mechanism, we must refer to the DARVO model (Deny, Attack, Reverse Victim and Offender), originally proposed byAmerican psychologist Jennifer Freyd in the context of relationship conflicts, but now widely applied in political communication and other fields. This model explains the manipulation strategy used for self-benefit, as follows:
D – Deny:
Serbia’s denial of war crimes, dismissing them as “fabrications” or “propaganda” against Serbia—exemplified by the Račak Massacre case.
Similarly, Serbia denies thelegitimacy of Kosovo’s independence, falsely claiming it violated international law, despite the International Court of Justice’s ruling—requested by Serbia itself—confirming the legality of Kosovo’s independence.
Serbian propaganda also distorts history, attempting to portray Albanians as ‘occupiers’ of Kosovo, despite scientific evidence proving otherwise.
By amplifying these narratives, Serbia lays the groundwork for the next phase—attacking Kosovo and reversing the roles of victim and aggressor, thereby constructing a false ‘reality’.
A – Attack
Denial requires fabricated facts to construct a new reality by reversing roles. To “absolve” Serbia from its war crimes and genocide in Kosovo, the audience must be fed news that blames “Albanian terrorists,” NATO, and the West—as seen in Kosovo Online’s article citing Judge Marinković on January 13, 2023.
To “blame” Albanians, Serbia has staged false flag incidents and orchestrated attacks using its own criminal structures, as demonstrated by:
- The Panda case in Peja (1998), where Serbian operatives staged an attack to falsely accuse Albanians.
- The Martinović case (1985), which led to hundreds of articles and books fabricated to make the narrative believable.
Serbian attacks also extend to religion, attempting to portray Albanians as Islamic extremists, alongside historical narratives falsely claiming that Albanians “occupied” Serbia’s ‘cradle’.
These efforts would not achieve their intended effect without the fabrication of allegations against Kosovo’s political leaders, including Thaçi, Veseli, Krasniqi, and Selimi, who are currently on trial at the Special Chambers in The Hague, and the targeted attacks on Prime Minister Kurti, accusing him of conducting “ethnic cleansing” of Serbs from Kosovo.
RVO – Reversing Victim and Offender
By relying on the effectiveness of denial and attack, Serbia’s hybrid strategy aims to rewrite history to exploit the victimhood role for its benefit. Through narratives cultivating a sense of injustice, Serbs are encouraged to believe that they are the ones suffering while Albanians are portrayed as the “real aggressors.”
This is precisely what Kosovo Online and other Vučić-controlled media are doing—deepening tensions and paving the way for renewed destabilization.
Serbia employs this strategic deception to:
- Justify its refusal to recognize Kosovo’s independence,
- Evade international pressure, and
- Gain territorial advantages whenever the frozen conflict reaches a breaking point.
Thus, DARVO is not merely a psychological framework—it is a powerful instrument when systematically applied through media and social platforms to manipulate public perception and political discourse.